THE INK of the headlines declaring that French voters had rejected the European Union constitution was not yet dry before the chattering classes of the world began their recriminations.
On May 29 the French political system was shook to its core when French voters rejected the new European Union constitutions by a margin of 55 to 45 percent. In the days and weeks that followed, analysts developed a number of theories explaining how the French people could have rejected a referendum that enjoyed the backing of all mainstream parties and the vast majority of the nation's newspaper columnist and television analysts.
Such supporters of ratification pointed out that their opponents offered no alternative to the constitution and that they represented an illogical political coalition. They say the constitution was an historic opportunity to promote European political and economic integration and that it was only defeated by a the unreasonable complaints of a group of naysayers. A group that they say was so illogically constructed that it ranged from devotees to the far right National Front, who objected to the loss of French national sovereignly, to members of the Communist Party, who thought that the new constitutions would lead to a more free-market economic system.
While this characterization is accurate, supporters of the constitution should realize that the intransigent, disjointed opposition to the constitution is not a sign of the ignorance of the French voters. Instead, the rejection of the constitution is a signal of French political elites failure to respond to the effects that the outsourcing of jobs and the hollowing out of manufacturing has had on the French working class.
Indeed, the strange character of the opposition is a symptom of the lack of leadership from mainstream political figures towards tackling the concerns of average French citizens. With French unemployment surpassing 10 percent, while jobs are further cut through automation or outsourcing to cheaper labor markets, working class French citizens clearly have very justified concerns about the economic trends that are affecting their way of life.
These concerns have been allowed to grow, as French public leaders have failed to enact programs that would lessen the toll of unemployment, such as an easing of cumbersome labor regulations. Abandoned by their political leaders, the French working class found that no one was taking their concerns seriously except for a cadre of extremists.
A prescient May 26 article from the BBC said that the French working class was united in its opposition to constitution which they thought would threaten their jobs. The article noted that opponents of the constitution were disenchanted with the unresponsiveness of their political leaders to their concerns, and that "The 'No' vote is driven not by politics, but by a feeling of helplessness."
Because of this, the French working class just said no. On May 29 they said no to the constitution, no to globalization, and most importantly, no to their political elites.
As Americans, it's easy to look at this situation and say that these problems reflect divides that are unique to French society. While this explanation seems convincing, in reality the same seeds of division that sprouted with French rejection of the EU constitution are sewn in every instance where American workers find themselves squeezed out by downsizing and outsourcing. In this way, the social divisions that led to the French rejection of the European Union constitution will manifest themselves in all developed nations if political elites cannot adopt reforms that will make globalization work for workers.
With this in mind, political leaders should acknowledge that the forces of globalization, despite the pains it has created for workers who have seen their jobs moved abroad, has great potential to raise the living standards of all members of society if political leaders make significant economic reforms. To this end, all nations experiencing such difficulties should launch worker re-education programs that dwarf the current offerings. Moreover, European leaders should loosen restrictive labor regulations regarding hiring and firing that lessen job mobility and increase unemployment. Finally, governments must offer much more comprehensive economic assistance to workers who have seen their wages stagnate or decline in the face of foreign competition.
If these reforms are part of a wider plan to compensate workers for the economic effects of outsourcing, it will be possible to create a political coalition that will reap the benefits of open markets and integrated political systems while also maintaining a fair economic system. If political elites fail this task, they should be prepared to issue numerous more recriminations in the years to come.
Adam Keith is a Cavalier Daily associate editor. He can be reached at akeith@cavalierdaily.com
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